Reporter's Notebook Comments

• First of all, the existence of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories makes everything happen in the territories and is related to corruption and security. There are those that say the corruption and security probems are a direct result of the Israeli occupation while others say they are not directly related to the occupation but that the occupation is one of the many obstacles to reform and fighting corruption in the Palestinian Territories.
  
  I think the continuation of the occupation makes reform, fighting corruption and ending security chaos a difficult and very dangerous process. There is also no real concern for fighting corruption despite many people who argue of the importance of doing so. We are able though, to find evidence in the way that Palestinians want to rid corruption in society. For example, Palestinian voters went to the polls during the elections and voted for Hamas because they believed that the group would be more likely to end corruption, while neglecting the desire to be concerned about the peace process.
  
  I think that corruption and insecurity/chaos are interchangeable and inter-related, not easily separated. As they say in Palestinian society, there are two sides or faces to one coin. Some people think instability causes corruption, and this is true, while others view insecurity as a result of corruption. In the Palestinian context, there's no separation between the two. Fighting corruption won't occur unless there's a resolution to the security situation. Insecurity will not end until corruption ends.
  
  
• In terms of a street-level, human snapshot of the current situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the taxis example is very good. The article captures almost all the main issues of the day: deterioration of law and order and the impotence and disrarray of the security forces; the sharp tensions between the main political parties Hamas and Fatah, in particular since the Hamas election victory; the "headlock" Hamas finds itself in as a result of the response of the international community and Fatah to its victory; the general economic desperation in Palestinian society due in large part to the non-payment of public sector salaries; the inflated number of people employed in the public sector.
  
  With regard to the internal state of corruption and government accountability, what is not clear from this article is the nature of disunity present within Fatah, especially the divisions between the old and new guard. That is to say, Fatah is not one big mass of corruption and lawlessness.
  
  While the article fulfills its remit of portraying the internal conditions, it would have benefited from including some illustration – even in passing – of the Israeli occupation of the territories, which forms the backdrop of everything that happens. Of particular significance to a taxi driver are the myriad checkpoints and closures that constantly hinder his daily work and fuel frustrations. Furthermore, and perhaps of more relevance to the article, the disproportionate numbers of taxis to the Palestinian population is not only due to internal corruption and chaos, but also to the fact that movement from A to B, even within the territories, is difficult and that Palestinians are increasingly unable to use their own vehicles to transport themselves.
  
  
• The report on the West Bank focuses mainly on the Ministry of Transportation. It was hard to get a clear picture of the overall level and breadth of corruption.
  
  However, as the first quote shows, what is interesting about the West Bank situation is how the, "citizens have started to blackmail" the government. It would have been interesting to see the extent of this "blackmail" and how, and to what extent, it exists in other sectors.
  
  It should also mention the new Law on Illicit Learning passed in 2005. This law charges a commissioner with not only investigating complaints against corrupt public servants but also to collect information on the assets of public servants. However, the report must point out that while this is great in principle, not enough resources have been allocated to this commissioner making the task of investigating corrupt officials more difficult. Nevertheless, it is a good step.
  
  
• The report is based on anecdotal evidence which leaves much to be desired. The report would be stronger if it paid attention to the following:
  • Rather than focusing on the role of "citizens," the report would benefit from identifying the public mood on questions of corruption and the absence of transparency in the functioning of the Palestinian Authority. Data can be obtained from Palestine Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR).
    
    
  • The parasitic nature of Palestinian Authority (PA) employment practices needs context. The IMF and other international organizations identified this problem years ago. They and others pointed out that PA employment practices serve as a form of welfarism, in the context of an economy that is moribund. Yes, the bureaucracy is bloated -- but to explain it, one needs to explain the impact of Israel's "matrix of control." The works of Sara Roy for example shows the impact of these policies on the fostering of "de-development."
    
    
  • Identifying corrupt practices is clearly important. The PA, Fateh and others have squandered what little resources Palestinians have. However, the report fails to identify context. Israeli occupation is the unmentioned 500 pound elephant in the equation.